Supported by a Parramatta City Council Community Grant – St. John’s First Fleeters
The Gingerbread Thief
William Edward Elliott, who went by the name Edward Elliott, was born between 1752 and 1756 in Surrey, England.[1] In 1783, Elliott, along with two other men, was accused of stealing ‘bacon, sheeting, 33 linen handkerchiefs, a knife, 10s in money, and two gingerbread cakes.’[2] It is unclear for what purpose these items were taken, but prior to his conviction Elliott resided in Coulsdon, Surrey, where he laboured as a farmer.[3]
On 18 August 1783, at the given age of 27, Elliott was sentenced to seven years transportation at the Surrey Assizes in Croydon for his part in the crime and was thereafter transported to the prison hulk, Ceres, 12 miles away at Woolwich.[4]
Akin to other prisoners who were condemned to terms of transportation, Elliott was ordered to carry out part of his sentence on board the Ceres prison hulk in the Thames following the cessation of transportation to the American colonies during the Revolutionary War (1775–1783). Here, Elliott would have laboured shovelling gravel and soil to help improve the navigation route of ships coming through the Thames. Life for prisoners aboard Ceres scarcely differed to the abysmal conditions noted on other hulks: it was grossly overcrowded, had poor air circulation and sanitation, and alongside the damp conditions emanating from the hulk’s position on the river it was an incubator for the spread of deadly illnesses. Collectively, this contributed to the large number of convicts perishing even prior to commencing the perilous journey to what would become the Colony of New South Wales. A parliamentary inquiry into conditions found that from August 1776 until March 1778, 176 of the 632 prisoners on board the Justitia prison hulk died, which equates to 28 percent of the prisoners dying in a twenty-month period.[5]
Even prisoners well enough to work outside the confines of the ships were consumed by oppressive conditions. According to a writer for the Scots Magazine, who made observations of the men employed in ‘raising ballast[s]’ and fortifying the embankment at Woolwich:
[The prisoners] hardly dare speak to each other… Not an oath is to be heard; and each criminal performs the task assigned to him with industry, and without murmuring. It seems as if each convict was most desirous of shewing his readiness to work, and his obedience to discipline, being induced thereto by one only hope, viz. that of obtaining their liberty by good behaviour, which is the only means afforded them to get their liberty before the legal expiration of the time [sic].[6]
Edward Elliott, however, was not to serve out the entirety of his sentence on board the Ceres. Instead, he was transported with the First Fleet.
First Fleet Voyage: The Scarborough
On 27 February 1787, having been on board the Ceres for a number of years, Edward Elliott was conveyed to Portsmouth alongside 210 fellow convicts, in anticipation of their voyage to Kamay (Botany Bay). According to the observations of British naval officer William Bradley, when the prisoners arrived following a three-day wagon journey from London the men could not embark on the vessels due to poor weather and gale-force winds. Instead, the convicts were ‘carried on board the [HMS] Gorgon lying in Blockhouse Hole.’[7] Following an improvement to weather conditions, the convicts embarked on the Scarborough some days later, on 4 March 1787.[8]
Captained by John Marshall on its First Fleet voyage, the Scarborough was a fully rigged merchant ship—the second largest vessel of the fleet after Alexander—and it carried 208 male convicts to New South Wales.[9] Several other prisoners who accompanied Elliott on the vessel would later be buried at St. John’s Cemetery, including: Thomas Eccles, David Killpack, Richard Partridge, James Wright, and others.
The First Fleet, including the Scarborough, arrived at Kamay (Botany Bay) on 19 January 1788, but as the site was deemed inappropriate for settlement, the ships moved to Warrane (Sydney Cove) in Cadigal Country, arriving on 26 January 1788.
Free Settler Land Grant: The Ponds
Few details exist about Elliott’s life following his arrival at Kamay (Botany Bay). Yet, it seems his experience as a farmer in Surrey prior to his conviction made him a worthy recipient of a land grant in July 1791; the year after his sentence for theft had expired.[10] Elliott’s 30-acre-land grant was situated at The Ponds in Wallumettagal Country, 3.2km (or 2 miles) north-east of the township of Parramatta, around the present-day suburbs of Rydalmere, Dundas, and Carlingford.[11] Watkin Tench, who had made a land survey of the district surrounding Rose Hill (Parramatta), including The Ponds, in December 1791, suggested that the name for this area was ‘derived from several ponds of water which are near the farms.’[12]
Edward Elliott was not the only former convict to receive a land grant, however. Thirteen other emancipated convicts received similar land allotments in the district in July 1791, one of whom was a weaver named Joseph Marshall.[13] When Elliott began cultivating his 30-acre land allotment, he did so in partnership with Marshall, his neighbour. It is likely that Marshall is the same Joseph Marshall sentenced to 14 years transportation for ‘receiving stolen goods’ and transported on the Scarborough alongside Elliott.[14] Perhaps the two had struck up a friendship during the journey to the penal colony, or simply entered into a mutually-beneficial economic and labour partnership due to their adjoining lands. By December 1791, the pair had two acres in cultivation, most likely in wheat and maize.[15]
Challenging conditions often led to such partnerships between grantees on neighbouring lots. According to David Collins, the colonial Superintendent of Agriculture, between these allotments there was space ‘reserved equal to the largest grant on either side,’ which was covered in a ‘thick wood.’[16] This wooded terrain served to disadvantage the farmers by reducing the amount of arable land, thus compounding the issues identified with farming in the early colony. Marshall and Elliott had been disadvantaged in another way: as single men, the size of land offered to these nascent farmers was restricted to 30 acres. Married men, with wives to support their agricultural activities, were entitled to receive 50 acres.[17] Having received a single man’s grant in July 1791 Edward Elliott soon found himself a bride, for on 11 September that same year he married Ann Smith at St. John’s in Parramatta. Ann had arrived aboard the Mary Ann as part of the Second Fleet several months earlier.[18] There is no record that the couple ever had any children.[19]
The allocation of land grants signalled a greater measure of independence and self-reliance to these men, some of whom, like Elliott, were former convicts. Yet they still laboured under the dictates of colonial authority and within an unfamiliar land to which they did not belong. Indeed, at The Ponds in Wallumettagal Country, several landowners complained about the quality of the soil, arguing it was ‘bad and [would] produce nothing.’[20] Governor Arthur Phillip ordered for a report to be made into the quality of the soil surrounding the area. David Burton, who was ‘brought up a gardener’ and in Phillip’s opinion was ‘a very steady man,’ was sent out to undertake this important task. Burton had been employed previously as a land surveyor, ‘marking out allotments of land for the settlers,’[21] after the Surveyor General Augustus Alt requested semi-retirement, citing advanced years and failing health, and Lieutenant William Dawes sailed for England in late 1791.[22] Following his investigation, Burton was of the opinion that the land around The Ponds, where Elliott was situated, was ‘very good light loam of a middling depth.’[23] In essence, the land was conducive to good crops. The problem, he argued, lay not with the soil but with the farmers who were destined for failure. Burton identified Thomas Martin—described as being ‘a person entirely ignorant respecting agriculture’—Thomas Kelly, and partners Joseph Marshall and Edward Elliott as being ‘persons who cultivate their ground in a very slovenly manner, and are very dilatory.’[24] Thus, he argued, if these smallholders failed to produce quality crops in sufficient quantity, it was through the men’s own idleness and not through deficiencies in their land allotments.
In spite of Burton’s acerbic criticism of these men, life for early colonial landowners was difficult. As noted by Watkin Tench in his observations on his years in the early colony, not only were the crops habitually poor in quality and number, the farmers had to compete with pilfering by runaway convicts and crop-destroying insects.[25] ‘The people here complain sadly of a destructive grub which destroys the young plants of maize,’ he noted. Tench concurred: ‘Many of the settlers have been obliged to plant twice, nay thrice, on the same land, from the depredations of these reptiles.’[26]
The Husbandman
In the long term, David Burton’s view of Elliott’s farming ability could not have proved more wrong. Elliott became a highly successful landowner within the developing economy of the Colony of New South Wales, his forte being sheep farming. Prior to his return to England in 1792, Governor Arthur Phillip distributed the Government’s remaining sheep to landholders, including bestowing an ewe to Elliott. From this one sheep, Elliott increased his flock to 22 by 1796. According to David Collins, Judge Advocate for the Colony, Elliott was successful because he had ‘resisted many temptations to sell [the ewe]…[H]e had been fortunate in not meeting with any loss,’ Collins continued, and ‘had not added to his stock by any purchase.’ In contrast to Burton’s earlier opinion, for Collins, ‘[t]his was a proof that industry did not go without its reward in this country.’[27] It is not surprising that in the same year of Elliott’s sheep-breeding achievement the corporation between himself and Marshall dissolved—greater independence was now a luxury Elliott could afford.[28]
But Elliott’s success in sheep farming was not relegated solely to increasing herd sizes. He was also engaged in cross-breeding, perhaps in an effort to create animals better suited to the Australian conditions. Like the convicts who were transported to a distant land, the earliest sheep to the colony travelled great distances. Colonial officials brought with them a breed of ‘fat tailed’ Cape sheep (called Afrikaner sheep) from the Cape of Good Hope en route from England.[29] Shortly thereafter the ship Atlantic arrived in the colony from Bengal, bringing with it a second breed of sheep: the Bengals. It was these two breeds of sheep that Elliott would have crossbred to increase his flock.
In addition, when a carpenter and free settler at The Ponds in Wallumettagal Country named Curtis Brand died in 1800, he bequeathed his sheep to his neighbour Edward Elliott.[30] That same year, Elliott sold his Ponds farm to James Thompson and then purchased 50 acres at the ‘Northern Boundary’ in Bidjigal Country. Within two years he had cleared 20 acres of land, where he had 120 sheep. By 1806 he had moved to Seven Hills in Dharug Country where he had 96 acres of land, 365 sheep (115 male and 250 female), as well as three goats and five pigs. Elliott’s farm also had seven acres of wheat and five of maize in cultivation, including half an acre of potatoes.[31] The 1806 population muster, which records details about individuals, indicates that Ann Smith and Edward Elliott were not living on government stores at the time, an earlier form of social welfare, which suggests the couple had some measure of financial security.[32]
Records also suggest that Edward Elliott sold part of the wool from his sheep to Parramatta’s first Female Factory (c.1802–1821), known as the Factory Above the Gaol, which was located in present-day Prince Alfred Park, Parramatta.[33] There, woolgrowers would ‘receive an order for such quantities of cloth as they may be entitled to on account of wool delivered at the factory at Parramatta.’[34]
Death
Edward Elliott arrived in the New South Wales penal colony as a prisoner and was forced to serve out his term of imprisonment away from his home in England. Yet in spite of his humble beginnings, he succeeded in becoming one of the most successful landowners of the early colonial period. He died on 19 April 1822 at the recorded age of 70 and is buried at St. John’s Cemetery in Parramatta, Burramattagal Country.
CITE THIS
Danielle Thyer, “Edward Elliott: The Husbandman,” St. John’s Online, (2017) https://stjohnsonline.org/bio/edward-elliott/, accessed [insert current date]
Acknowledgements
- Biographical selection, assignment, research assistance, editing & multimedia: Michaela Ann Cameron.
References
- William Bradley, A Voyage to New South Wales: December 1786 – May 1792, February–March, 1787, State Library of New South Wales, accessed 3 December 2016.
- David Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, 1788–1801 (Christchurch, Wellington, Dunedin, NZ and Melbourne and London: Whitcombe and Tombs, Ltd., n.d).
- David Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, Vol. II (London: T. Cadell, Jr and W. Davies, 1802).
- Judith Dunn, Parramatta Cemeteries: St. John’s (Parramatta: Parramatta and District Historical Society, 1991).
- Coulsdon Register, St. John’s (1653–1767), Surrey, England, Church of England Baptisms, Marriages, and Burials, 1538–1812.
- Historical Records of New South Wales, Vol. I, Part 2 – Phillip (1783–1792), (Sydney: Charles Potter, Government Printer, 1892).
- Tim Flannery, ed., Watkin Tench’s 1788 (Melbourne: Text Publishing, 2009).
- B. H. Fletcher, “Elliott, William Edward (1752-1822),” Australian Dictionary of Biography, Australian National University, published first in hardcopy 1966, accessed online 30 November 2016.
- Mollie Gillen, The Founders of Australia: A Biographical Dictionary of the First Fleet, (Sydney: Library of Australian History, 1989).
- John Howard, The State of the Prisons in England and Wales (Warrington: William Ayres, 1780) in Thomas Forbes, “Coroners’ Inquisitions on the Deaths of Prisoners in the Hulks at Portsmouth, England, in 1817–27,” Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences Vol. 33, No. 3 (1978): 356-366.
- Terry Kass, Carol Liston, John McClymont, Parramatta: A Past Revealed (Parramatta: Parramatta City Council, 1996).
- Mark Overton, Agricultural Revolution in England: The Transformation of the Agrarian Economy, 1500–1850 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
- Michael Pearson and Jane Lennon, Pastoral Australia: Fortunes, Failures and Hard Yakka – A Historical Overview, 1788–1967 (Collingwood, Victoria: CSIRO Publishing, 2010).
Notes
[1] Mollie Gillen claims that his birthdate is around 1756 and he was “late” of Coulsdon, Surrey, but B.H. Fletcher suggests his year of birth was four years earlier, in 1752. Examining the baptism records for the Parish of St. John’s, in which the town of Coulsdon is located, reveals there is no record that any William or Edward Elliott was baptised in the parish during that decade. There are two possible reasons for this; Elliott was either unbaptised despite living in the area—which seems unlikely if he got married in St. John’s and was buried in consecrated ground—or he was born and baptised in another parish and moved to Coulsdon afterwards, thus leaving him absent in the parish’s records. Another possibility is that Edward Elliott is the same “William Elliott,” “son of William and Mary Elliott,” who was baptised on 17 September 1757 at Walton-on-Thames, St. Mary, which is approximately 16 miles from Coulsdon. See Mollie Gillen, The Founders of Australia: A Biographical Dictionary of the First Fleet (Sydney: Library of Australian History, 1989), p. 118. B. H. Fletcher, “Elliott, William Edward (1752–1822),” Australian Dictionary of Biography, Australian National University, published first in hardcopy 1966, accessed 30 November 2016. See also “William Elliott,” Anglican Parish Registers, Woking, Surrey, England: Surrey History Centre.
[2] Mollie Gillen, The Founders of Australia: A Biographical Dictionary of the First Fleet, (Sydney: Library of Australian History, 1989), p. 118.
[3] It is probable that Elliott or his family grew crops such as wheat, barley, oats, turnips, or peas as these were the predominant crops cultivated in Surrey at the turn of the century. For further details on the percentage of crops cultivated in English counties in 1801, see Mark Overton, Agricultural Revolution in England: The Transformation of the Agrarian Economy, 1500–1850 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1996), p. 96.
[4] Mollie Gillen, The Founders of Australia: A Biographical Dictionary of the First Fleet (Sydney: Library of Australian History, 1989), p. 118.
[5] John Howard, The State of the Prisons in England and Wales (Warrington: William Ayres, 1780), p.429 in Thomas Forbes, “Coroners’ Inquisitions on the Deaths of Prisoners in the Hulks at Portsmouth, England, in 1817–27,” Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences, Vol. 33, No. 3 (1978): 358.
[6] “An account of the employment and treatment of the convicts presently employed in ballast heaving on the Thames. By a gentleman who saw them at work,” The Scots Magazine, Vol. 36 (July 1777), p. 344.
[7] Mollie Gillen, The Founders of Australia: A Biographical Dictionary of the First Fleet (Sydney: Library of Australian History, 1989), p.118; William Bradley, A Voyage to New South Wales: December 1786 – May 1792, February–March, 1787, State Library of New South Wales, accessed 3 December 2016.
[8] William Bradley, A Voyage to New South Wales: December 1786 – May 1792, February–March, 1787, State Library of New South Wales, accessed 3 December 2016.
[9] For further details on the Scarborough, see Michaela Ann Cameron, “Scarborough” (2015), Dictionary of Sydney, accessed 14 November 2016.
[10] It is possible that Edward Elliott could be the one individual within the First Fleet whose occupation was recorded as “husbandman.” Mollie Gillen, The Founders of Australia: A Biographical Dictionary of the First Fleet (Sydney: Library of Australian History, 1989), pp. 118, 446. David Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, 1788–1801 (Christchurch, Wellington, Dunedin, NZ and Melbourne and London: Whitcombe and Tombs, Ltd., n.d), p. 123. Records indicate that Elliott had also signed a contract to purchase 30 acres of land at Prospect Hill, but that contract was cancelled due to “a mistake in the place.” For further details, see: State Records Authority of New South Wales, Registers of Land Grants and Leases, Series NRS 13836, Item 7/446, Reel 2560, Grant no. 135.
[11] Terry Kass, Carol Liston, John McClymont, Parramatta: A Past Revealed (Parramatta: Parramatta City Council, 1996), p. 31. For St. John’s Online’s dual naming policy, see Michaela Ann Cameron, “Name-Calling: A Dual Naming Policy,” in St. John’s Online (2020), https://stjohnsonline.org/editorial-policies/name-calling-a-dual-naming-policy/, accessed 13 April 2020. The essay discusses giving prime position to indigenous endonyms and subordinating European imposed exonyms in both the colonial Australian and colonial American contexts and was adapted from “Name-Calling: Notes on Terminology,” in Michaela Ann Cameron, (Ph.D. Diss.), “Stealing the Turtle’s Voice: A Dual History of Western and Algonquian-Iroquoian Soundways from Creation to Re-creation,” (Sydney: Department of History, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, University of Sydney, 2018), pp. 25–35, http://bit.ly/stealingturtle, accessed 25 August 2019.
[12] Tim Flannery, (ed.), Watkin Tench’s 1788 (Melbourne: Text Publishing, 2009), p. 219.
[13] These included: Thomas Kelly; William Hubbard (and his wife); Curtis Brand (and his wife); John Ramsay (and his wife); William Field; John Richards; John Summers; Edward Vardell; Joseph Bishop (and his wife); Mathew Everingham (and his wife); John Anderson (and his wife), and: Joseph Marshall, who cultivated in partnership with Elliott. In Tench’s observations, he lists “Vardell” as “——Varnell,” but in examining the register of First Fleet convicts and their crimes, it seems likely that “Varnell,” as identified by Tench, is Edward Vardell, whose death sentence for the theft of two mares was commuted to 7 years transportation and who arrived on board the Alexander. See Tim Flannery, (ed.), Watkin Tench’s 1788 (Melbourne: Text Publishing, 2009), p.219. Rob Mundle, The First Fleet (Sydney: Harper Collins, 2014), p. 379.
[14] Rob Mundle, The First Fleet (Sydney: Harper Collins, 2014), p. 365.
[15] Tim Flannery, (ed.), Watkin Tench’s 1788 (Melbourne: Text Publishing, 2009), p. 220; B. H. Fletcher, “Elliott, William Edward (1752–1822),” Australian Dictionary of Biography, Australian National University, published first in hardcopy 1966, accessed 30 November 2016.
[16] Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, 1788–1801, p. 123. B. H. Fletcher, “Elliott, William Edward (1752–1822),” Australian Dictionary of Biography, Australian National University, published first in hardcopy 1966, accessed 30 November 2016.
[17] There is an exception to this, however; Watkin Tench noted that bricklayer Anthony Rope, who had a wife and two children, received an allotment of 70 acres. Tim Flannery, (ed.), Watkin Tench’s 1788, (Melbourne: Text Publishing, 2009), p. 219.
[18] There are two ‘Ann Smiths’ who arrived aboard the Mary Ann in 1791. The first was sentenced at Devon in Plymouth on 26 July 1790 and was sentenced to transportation for seven years for an undisclosed crime. The second Ann Smith came through the Middlesex Goal Delivery, where she was charged on 12 January 1791 at the Old Bailey and, likewise, sentenced to transportation for seven years. Both women appear to have lived in and around Parramatta, thus it is difficult to distinguish the entanglement of their two lives through the historical record. For further details, see New South Wales Government, Secretary to the Governor: Population musters, New South Wales mainland [1811–1819], Series: NRS 1260, Reel: 1252, State Records Authority of New South Wales, Kingswood, New South Wales, Australia; Old Bailey Proceedings Online (www.oldbaileyonline.org, version 7.2, 3 March 2017), January 1791, trial of ANN SMITH (t17910112-26), accessed 3 March 2017.
[19] See, for example, the 1806 General Muster, which lists Elliott as having a wife and one male employee working on their Seven Hills farm, but no children are indicated. “1806 General Muster,” Home Office: Settlers and Convicts, New South Wales and Tasmania, (The National Archives Microfilm Publication HO10, Piece 37, (The National Archives of the UK (TNA), Kew, Surrey, England). Though the records indicate Ann Smith died on 25 May 1836, fourteen years after Elliott’s death, there is another marriage record from St. John’s Church in which an “Edward Elliott” married the widowed convict Elizabeth Hatfield on 7 April 1793. Whether this is the same Edward Elliott who married Ann Smith two years earlier cannot be established but, given that Ann was still living at the time of the Elliott-Hatfield marriage, the most likely explanation is that there was another person going by the name of “Edward Elliott” in the parish of St. John’s. At the time of this publication, however, the author has not positively identified the second “Edward Elliott.” See: Marriage record for Edward Elliot and Elizabeth Hatfield, Parish Marriage Registers, Textual records, St. John’s Anglican Church Parramatta, New South Wales, Australia.
[20] Enclosed letter from David Burton to Arthur Phillip, 24 February 1792 in Historical Records of New South Wales, Vol. I, Part II (Sydney: Charles Potter, Government Printer, 1892), p. 599.
[21] Letter from Arthur Phillip to the Right Honourable Henry Dundas, 19 March 1792, Historical Records of New South Wales, Vol. I, Part 2 – Phillip (1783–1792), pp. 595–600.
[22] Surveyor-General Alt to Governor Phillip, 15 November 1791, Historical Records of New South Wales, Vol. 1, Part 2¸ (Sydney: Charles Potter, Government Printer, 1889), p. 552.
[23] Enclosed letter from David Burton to Arthur Phillip, 24 February 1792 in Historical Records of New South Wales, Vol. I, Part 2 – Phillip (1783–1792), p. 599.
[24] Enclosed letter from David Burton to Arthur Phillip, 24 February 1792 in Historical Records of New South Wales, Vol. I, Part 2 – Phillip (1783–1792), p. 599.
[25] Tim Flannery, (ed.), Watkin Tench’s 1788, (Melbourne: Text Publishing, 2009), pp. 218–220.
[26] Tim Flannery, (ed.), Watkin Tench’s 1788, (Melbourne: Text Publishing, 2009), p.220.
[27] David Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, Vol. II, (London: T. Cadell, Jr and W. Davies, 1802), chapter XXI.
[28] Tim Flannery, (ed.), Watkin Tench’s 1788, (Melbourne: Text Publishing, 2009), p.220; B. H. Fletcher, “Elliott, William Edward (1752–1822),” Australian Dictionary of Biography, Australian National University, published first in hardcopy 1966, accessed 30 November 2016.
[29] Michael Pearson and Jane Lennon, Pastoral Australia: Fortunes, Failures and Hard Yakka – A Historical Overview, 1788–1967 (Collingwood, Victoria: CSIRO Publishing, 2010), pp. 3-4.
[30] Terry Kass, Carol Liston, John McClymont, Parramatta: A Past Revealed (Parramatta: Parramatta City Council, 1996), p. 31.
[31] “1806 General Muster,” Home Office: Settlers and Convicts, New South Wales and Tasmania, (The National Archives Microfilm Publication HO10, Piece 37, (The National Archives of the UK (TNA), Kew, Surrey, England).
[32] “1806 General Muster,” Home Office: Settlers and Convicts, New South Wales and Tasmania, (The National Archives Microfilm Publication HO10, Piece 37, (The National Archives of the UK (TNA), Kew, Surrey, England).
[33] For further details on the Factory Above the Gaol, see Michaela Ann Cameron, “The Factory Above the Gaol,” Female Factory Online, (2017), https://femalefactoryonline.org/about/history/the-factory-above-the-gaol/, accessed 16 January 2017; Terry Kass, Carol Liston, John McClymont, Parramatta: A Past Revealed (Parramatta: Parramatta City Council, 1996), pp. 60–61; Geoff Barker, “The First Female Factory, Prince Alfred Square, 1803–1821,” Parramatta Heritage Centre (2015), accessed 16 January 2017; Joy Damousi, Depraved and Disorderly: Female Convicts, Sexuality and Gender in Colonial Australia (Cambridge and Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 1997), p. 99.
[34] Letter from William Broughton to Woolgrowers, 14 July 1810 in F. M. Bladen, ed., Historical Records of New South Wales, Vol. VII: Bligh and Macquarie, 1809, 1810, 1811 (Sydney: William Applegate Gullick, Government Printer, 1901), p. 395; “Classified Advertising,” Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser (NSW : 1803 – 1842), Saturday 14 July 1810, p. 2.
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